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03览:288 陈平整刘一帆 作者:游黎
主题:陈平整刘一帆
作者:游黎 08:07am 24/07/2006

回应: 星洲选读:陈新嵘--我在四排坡监狱见过刘一帆 作者: 费言 12:01pm 13/07/2006

前马共红人中,刘一帆算传奇人物之一。其传奇度也因他是 underdog, 被马共当权派视为眼中钉而升涨。刘一帆在“中级”干部如陈新嵘眼中的尊崇形象,显然没有因嫡系派领导方壮壁为刘被开除出党的解释而降低。从陈新嵘此篇文章的字里行间可以觉察出,方壮壁 “化解 (广州新马侨友) 对马共总书记的 '' 误解和成见''”的效果不大。

欧亚混血籍的刘一帆,1942年加入马共,战时属马来亚人民抗日军第二独立队,活动于森美兰州。战后为<<民声报>>总编辑。1948年坐牢刑期将满,又被殖民当局发以拘留令。1955 被驱逐境前,为他辨护的律师正是以左翼姿态崛起的政坛新秀李光耀。55年底刘被当局驱逐到中国后,仍然对马共政策作严肃的思考评析,终至“触犯党纪”,给陈平开除出党,时为文革时期。

陈平<<我方的故事>>对宿敌只字不提,除刻意表示不屑外,也为了掩饰相形之下,他(陈平)的政治知识和时局分析能力,远比刘一帆低。往后的历史证明,刘的看法是正确的。正如陈新嵘文章所指,刘一帆受处分的正式理由,是他反对马共恢复武装斗争的决议。其实,刘仅仅是技术上触犯党决议的纪律;他之认为马来亚没有武装夺取政权的条件,历史证明他的分析理解是正确的。刘是否在其<<讨陈平檄文>>中解析马来亚没有武装夺取政权的条件,不得知。从他处读到的资料得知,刘一帆得此分析结论的根据是,马来族群不支持以武装斗争解决政治。陈平对马来族群之政治支持这课题的一向态度,暴露他政治分析智慧的低劣。他认为马共武装夺取政权的成功,无需得到占人口多数的马来族支持,并以马共在没有马来族支持下,成功抗日复国为例证!马共总书记看不出争取多元民族殖民地的独立,跟同仇敌忾的驱逐外国占领势力所需的不同社会条件。

其实,质疑当年马来亚是否有武装夺权条件者,何止刘一帆一人?穿梭<<我方的故事>>,极受陈平器重的杨果也曾有所怀疑。见<<我方>>第113章,206页:When this most decisive meeting finally wrapped up on March 21, 1948, I remember walking to my office in the same Queen Street building in Singapore feeling most encouraged by the unanimity of sentiment expressed by my comrades.I had hardly settled in my chair when Yeung Kuo walked in the door. He appeared troubled. I could detected anxiety in his face. When I asked what worried him, he replied : ' I'm still doubtful. Are we really prepared for this? Perhaps we should reconsider our position. He went on to express misgivings on whether the conditions in Malaya and Singapore were ripe for armed struggle.   。接下写陈平因杨果不在会议上提反对意见,却在事后质疑,而动了肝火。

陈平无视马来民族支持的重要性,在<<我方的故事>>有另一佐证。英殖民当局实施“新村计划”,以封锁马共在华人社会的民援命线时,要将杨果认识到它的致命性。陈平再次引用已从日本军领教过的经验,武断驳斥杨果之多虑。见<<我方>>第17章,267页:A year earlier, during deliberations at our first headquarters camp, Yeung Kuo had approached me privately with what would turn out to be a most prophetic observation. He regarded his concern that the British authorities in Malaya might well adopted a policy similar to that initiated by the Japanese in Manchuria in the 1930s where the people were concentrated in camps to keep them from contacting the local guerrillas.This way, the Japanese managed to deprive the communists of vital supply lines.
  I must confess that I regarded the chances of British adopting tactics originated some years before by the subsequently defeated Japanese as rather far-fetched. Indeed, I told Yeung Kuo, in no uncertain terms that, I thought such an outcome was most unlikely. I argued that the Japanese had themselves introduced the very same policy into Malaya to counter our guerilla activities during the occupation period. They called it their ' fortress villages ' policy. It had failed to have any effect on us and the British would surely
have full inforamtion on this. Why introduce a proven failure?
.

陈平更错误的认为,英国佬缺乏日本人的残忍心肠来实行新村计划。但更致命的分析盲点,是忽视计划的种族隔离,分而治之的可能成功。马来族对英国佬“绅士统治”手段的情绪反应,岂会等同强横武士道的蝗军统治。新村计划乃冲着华人乡村社会而来,它会成功,正是因为多元种族社会供应了分而治之的条件。毛泽东著有出名的中国社会阶层分析,陈平显然没有活学活用毛主席的思想著作。而当年听到厌的“搞好民族工作”,看来也是说给外人听而已。

但陈平整刘一帆最大原因,怕还是由之私怨。在澳洲国立大学1999年的“与陈平对话”学术会上,有人重炒传说已久的 “Chin Ping was Lai Teck's little boy”的课题。直今不少人士很明显不买陈平的释说、抗议。提出这传说的文字根据,包括刘一帆<<讨陈平檄文>>中指陈平是莱特指定栽培的继承人。耐人寻味的一点是,在那一万年太久,只争朝夕的年代,贵为党总书记的陈平,自导自演007,亲身前往泰国寻找溜逃的莱特;想活抓归案?还是当街曼谷理论?更有趣的是,据说莱特方便地被几个越南小跑腿用力过度误杀死亡。这点当然是陈平说的。

后记 当年挑战陈平立场、地位者,除刘一帆外,还有写<<伪装必须剥去>>的晴朗,写<<马共内部风暴>>的全仲仁。可惜不知道这些书是否仍可买得到,Anyone?

2006-07-23


本文修改于: 02:06am 13/08/2006



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游黎 24/07/2006


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